TRACT  FOR  AMERICANS. 


32<i,dl 


GEORGE  LAW  AND  CHAUNCEY  SHAFFER’S 

REASONS  FOR 

REPUDIATING  FILLMORE  AND  DONELSON, 

And  the  Action  of  the  Know-Nothing  State  Convention  at  Syracuse  on  the 
Resolutions  censuring  Brooks’s  Assault  on  Senator  Sumner,  dec. 


SPEECH  OE  HON.  E.  B.  MORGAN,  OF  N.  Y., 


TJ.  S.  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  AUG.  4,  1856. 


The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Union,  Mr.  Morgan  said : 

Mr.  Chairman:  I propose  to  ask  the  at- 
tention of  the  House  and  of  the  country,  to  the 
probable  consequences  of  the  success  of  one  of 
the  candidates  of  the  Presidency,  _ who  is  a 
citizen  of  my  own  State,  Hon.  Millard  Fill- 
more. 

To  exhibit  them  fully,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  examine  his  antecedents,  his  personal  rela- 
tions to  men  and  parties,  the  platform  upon 
which  he  has  consented  to  stand,  theinfluen- 
ces  which  prevailed  in  his  nomination,  the 
views  and  objects  of  those  who  support  him, 
and  the  principles  which  must  control  him,  if 
he  is  elected. 

My  sole  object  in  referring  to  his  personal 
antecedents  and  relations,  is  to  throw  light 
upon  his  probable  line  of  policy,  should  he  be 
elevated  to  the  Presidential  chair.  I enter 
upon  that  branch  of  the  discussion  with  sin- 
cere reluctance,  and  only  because  it  is  essential 
to  a full  elucidation  of  the  subject. 

Mr.  Fillmore's  Political  History. 

In  1829,  Mr.  Fillmore  made  his  first  entrance 
into  public  life,  having  been  in  that  year  elected 
to  the  New  York  Assembly,  as  an  Anti -Mason. 
He  was  once  or  twice,  re-elected  to  the  New 


York  Assembly  as  an  Anti-Mason,  and  in  1832 
was  elected  as  such  a member  of  this  House. 
In  the  same  year  he  voted  for  Mr.  Wirt,  the 
Anti-Masonic  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

He  was  afterwards  a member  of  this  House 
for  a period  of  six  years,  commencing  March 
4,  1837,  during  which  time  he  was  attached  to 
the  Whig  party.  During  this,  his  second  pe- 
riod of  service  in  Congress,  the  slavery  agita- 
tion arose  and  was  continued  in  the  country, 
and  the  records,  often  quoted,  and  to  which  I 
shall  now  only  briefly  refer,  show  that  Mr. 
Fillmore  voted  with  persistent  firmness  on  the 
side  of  freedom,  and  in  company  with  such 
men  as  John  Q.  Adams,  Joshua  R.  Giddings 
and  Mr.  Slade,  of  Vermont. 

On  the  21st  day  of  December,  1837,  Mr. 
Patton,  of  Virginia,  offered  the  following  res- 
olution : 

“ Resolved , That  all  petitions,  memorials, 
and  papers,  touching  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
or  the  buying,  selling,  or  transferring  of  .slaves, 
in  any  State,  District,  or  Territory  of  the 
United  States,  be  laid  on  the  table,  without 
being  debated,  printed,  read,  or  referred,  and 
that  no  further  action  whatever  shall  be  had 
thereon.” 

The  resolution  was  adopted — yeas  122,  nays 
74 ; Mr.  Fillmore  voting  in  the  negative. 


For  Sale  at  the  Office  of  the  New  York  Tribune.  Price,  per  Dozen  Copies  20c.; 
pee  Hundred,  $1  25 ; per  Thousand,  $10. 


On  the  11th  of  December,  1838,  Mr.  Ather- 
ton offered  his  celebrated  resolutions  in  refer- 
ence to  Abolition  petitioners,  known  in  the 
politics  of  that  time  as  “Atherton’s  gag.”  Mr. 
Fillmore  voted  against  their  introduction  and 
against  their  adoption. 

On  the  13th  of  December  of  the  same  year, 
Mr.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  offered  a series  of  reso- 
lutions declaring  against  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  abolition 
of  the  inter-State  slave  trade,  and  the  recep- 
tion of  Abolition  petitions — affirming  that  the 
laws  of  Congress  alone  govern  in  the  prescrip- 
tion of  the  mode  of  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves  $ 
that  Congress  has  no  power  to  impose  the 
abolition  of  slavery  upon  a State  as  a condi- 
tion of  its  admission  into  the  Union ; that  the 
citizens  of  a slave  State  have  a right  to  take 
their  slaves  through  a free  State;  that  the 
General  Government  is  constitutionally  bound 
to  protect  them  in  such  right ; that  the  laws 
of  the  non-slaveholding  States  in  conflict  with 
suoh  right  were  null  and  void.  The  motion 
to  suspend  the  rules  for  the  introduction  of 
these  resolutions  was  lost — Mr.  Fillmore  voting 
adverse  to  the  motion  to  suspend  the  rules,  and 
against  the  South,  and  in  company  with  Adams 
and  Giddings. 

On  the  same  day,  Mr.  Slade  of  Vermont,, 
moved  resolutions  against  the  slave  trade 
between  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the 
States ; against  the  same  trade  between  the 
States?  and  in  favor  of  receiving,  debating, 
printing,  and  referring  Abolition  petitions. 
On  the  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  for  the  pur- 
pose of  introducing  these  resolutions,  which 
was  lost,  Mr.  Fillmore  again  voted  against  the 
South,  in  favor  of  suspending  the  rules,  and  in 
company  with  Adams  and  Giddings.  On  the 
31st  of  December,  1839,  Mr.  Coles  moved  to 
suspend  the  rules,  for  the  purpose  of  moving 
a resolution  against  the  reception  of  Abolition 
petitions ; which  motion  was  lost ; Mr.  Fill- 
more voting  against  a suspension  of  the  rules, 
and  in  company  with  Adams  and  Gid- 
dings. 

On  the  28th  of  January,  1840,  the  famous 
21st  rule  was  adopted,  which  precluded  the 
reception  or  entertainment  in  any  way  of  an 
abolition  petition.  On  adopting  this  rule,  Mr. 
Fillmore  again  voted  against  the  South,  in  the 
negative. 

On  the  9th  of  December,  1840,  Mr.  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts,  moved  a repeal  of  this  last 
rule.  Mr.  Jenifer,  of  Maryland,  moved  to  lay 
the  motion  on  the  table ; which  was  carried ; 
Mr.  Fillmore  voting  in  the  negative,  against 
the  South. 

On  the  21st  of  January,  1841,  Mr.  Adams 
presented  an  abolition  petition.  Mr.  Connor 
moved  to  lay  a part  of  it,  not  embraced  within 
the  effect  of  the  21st  rule,  on  the  table.  On 
the  votes  taken  in  reference  to  this  petition, 


Mr.  Fillmore’s  name  is  found  with  those  of 
Adams  and  Giddings,  and  against  the  South. 

On  the  21st  of  January,  1842,  Mr.  Adams 
presented  an  abolition  petition,  praying  the 
naturalization  of  free-negro  foreigners,  and 
that  they  be  allowed  to  hold  real  estate.  Mr. 
Wise  moved  to  lay  its  reception  on  the  table ; 
which  motion  was  carried.  Mr.  Fillmore 
again  voted  against  the  South,  in  the  nega-  I 
tive. 

On  the  12th  of  December,  1842,  Mr.  Adams  i 
called  up  his  motion  to  rescind  the  21st  rule.  ! 
Mr.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  moved  to  lay  it  on 
the  table;  which  motion  was  carried;  Mr.  i 
Fillmore  again  voting  against  the  South,  in  ' 
the  negative. 

On  the  3d  of  Jahuary,  1843,  Mr.  Morgan  j 
moved  a resolution  instructing  the  Committee-  J 
on  Territories  to  bring  in  a bill  repealing  a:  j 
certain  act  of  the  territorial  legislature  Qf  Flo- 
rida, preventing  the  immigration  of  free  ne- 
groes into  that  Territory.  Mr.  Black  moved 
to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  table;,  which  was- 1 
carried;  Mr.  Fillmore  again  voting  against  the 
South,  in  the  negative. 

These  notes,  covering  every  year  of  his- 
Congressional  service  after  the  slavery  agita- 
tion commenced,  and  with  which  all  his  votes- 
harmonize,  show  plainly  enough  where  Mr. 
Fillmore  stood  at  that  time. 

In  1838,  he  wrote  the  following  letter:. 

“ Buffalo,  Oct.  17,  1838. 

“ Sir:  Your  communication  of  the  15th  inst.T, 
as  chairman  of  a committee  appointed  by  the 
4 Anti-Slavery  Society  of  the  County  of  Erie,’ 
has  just  come  to  hand.  You  solicit  my  an- 
swers to  the  following  interrogatories  : 

“ First.  Do  you  believe  that  petitions  to- 
Congress  on  the  subject  of  slavery  or  on  the 
slave  trade  ought  to  be  received,  read,  and  re- 
spectfully considered  by  the  Representatives 
of  the  people. 

“ Second.  Are  you  opposed  to  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas  to  the  Union,  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, so  long  as  slaves  are  held  therein  ? 

“ Third.  Are  you  in  favor  of  Congress 
exerting  all  the  constitutional  power  it  pos- 
sesses to  abolish  the  internal  slave  trade  bet- 
ween the  States? 

“ Fourth.  Are  you  in  favor  of  immediate- 
legislation  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  ? 

“ I am  much  engaged,  and  have  no  time  to 
enter  into  an  argument,  or  to  explain  at  length 
my  reasons  for  my  opinion.  I shall  therefore 
content  myself  for  the  present  by  answering 
all  your  interrogatories  in  the  affirmative,  and 
leave  for  some  future  occasion  a more  extend- 
ed discussion  of  the  subject. 

“ I am,  respectfully,  your  ob’t  servant, 

“Millard  Fillmore.”  i! 

W.  Mills,  Esq.,  Chairman. 


3 


In  1847,  as  a candidate  for  the  Comptrol- 
lership,  he  was  the  head  of  the  New  York 
State  Whig  ticket,  which  was  run  upon  a plat- 
form, which  proclaims  “since  the  crisis  has 
arrived  when  the  question  must  be  met,  un- 
compromising hostility  to  the  extension  of 
slavery  into  any  territory  now  free,  or  which 
may  hereafter  be  acquired  by  any  action  of 
the  government  of  our  Union.” 

In  1848,  we  find  him  instigating  Hon.  N. 
K.  Hall,  his  law  partner  and  special  political 
friend,  afterwards  his  Postmaster-General,  to 
move  a resolution  here,  which  has  more  prac- 
tical abolitionism  in  it  than  any  proposition 
wver  agitated  in  Congress.  The  resolution  I 
am  about  to  read,  was  prepared  by  Mr.  Hall 
in  concert  with  Mr.  Fillmore,  and  was  fully 
approved  by  Mr.  Fillmore. 

[Congressional  Globe,  Volume  18,  p.  890.1 

On  the  28th  of  February,  1848,  Hon^N.  K. 
Hall,  of  New  York,  offered  the  following  reso- 
lution in  the  House : 

“Resolved.  That  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary  be,  and  they  are  hereby,  directed  to 
report  to  this  House,  with  all  convenient 
speed,  a bill  repealing  all  laws  of  Congress, 
and  abrogating,  so  far  as  they  are  operative  or 
in  force  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  all  laws 
of  the  State  of  Maryland  which  authorize  or 
require  the  courts,  officers,  or  magistrates  of 
the  United  States,  or  of  the  said  District, 
within  the  District  of  Columbia,  to  issue  pro- 
cess for  arrest,  or  commit  to  the  jail  of  the 
said  District,  any  runaways  or  other  slave  or 
fugitive  from  service,  or  colored  person  claim- 
ed as  such,  except  on  due  complaint  and  proof 
of,  or  on  a conviction  for,  some  crime  or  mis- 
demeanor, the  commission  of  which  by  any 
free  white  person  would  authorize  in  the  same 
manner  the  arrest,  commitment,  and  detention 
of  such  white  person  in  like  manner  charged 
with  or  convicted  thereof.” 

This  resolution  is  preceded  by  an  elaborate 
■ireamble,  in  which,  among  other  things,  it  is 
declared  that  the  use  of  the  jails  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  for  the  detention  of  fugitive 
ilaves,  is  “ repugnant  to  the  feelings  of  a large 
Majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States .” 

> In  1848,  Mr.  Fillmore  was  nominated  and 
ilected  Vice-President  on  the  same  ticket 
with  Gen..  Taylor.  The  suggestion  that  he 
night  receive  this  nomination,  was  a matter 
)f  consideration  and  discussion  for  some  time 
pore  it  was  made,  by  Mr.  Fillmore  and  his 
Wends.  As  a question  of  personal  interest, 
tfr.  Fillmore  hesitated  and  wavered  in  decid- 
ng  whether  to  solicit  this  nomination,  or  to 
•eserve  himself  as  a candidate  for  the  United 
states  Senatorship.  On  one  point,  his  mind 
vas  made  up  from  first  to  last.  He  would 

lot  accept  the  Vice-Presidential  nomination, 

7 


if  Mr.  Olay  was  designated  for  the  Presidency. 
He  had  early  adopted  the  opinion  that  Mr. 
Clay  was  unpopular  and  unavailable.  So 
thinking,  he  got  up  and  managed  a caucus  of 
the  New  York  members  of  Congress  in  1839, 
at  which  a letter  was  agreed  upon  and  signed, 
Mr.  Mitchell  only  dissenting,  advising  the 
New  York  delegation  in  the  Harrisburg  Con- 
vention, to  bring  out  Gen.  Harrison,  and  not 
Mr.  Clay,  for  the  campaign  of  1840.  He  re- 
tained the  same  opinion  of  Mr.  Olay’s  unavail- 
ability in  1848,  which  was  increased  by  his 
apprehensions  that  Mr.  Clay’s  declarations  in 
the  meantime  in  reference  to  the  slavery  ques- 
tion, would  make  him  fatally  obnoxious  to  the 
free  sentiment  of  the  North.  Mr.  Fillmore 
doubted  whether  it  would  be  possible  to  sup- 
port even  Gen.  Taylor  at  the  North,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  prevalence  and  warmth  of  these 
sentiments.  His  final  conclusion,  communi- 
cated at  the  last  moment  to  his  friends  leaving 
for  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  was,  abso- 
lutely to  refuse  the  use  of  his  name  if  Mr. 
Clay  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and 
that  he  did  not  desire  his  name  to  be  used,  if 
the  nomination  fell  upon  Gen.  Taylor. 

In  fact,  he  was  nominated  upon  the  ticket 
with  General  Taylor,  and  it  is  only  necessary  to 
observe  that  this  was  so  done,  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  conciliating  anti-slavery  support  to 
the  ticket.  Mr.  Fillmore  was  known  through- 
out the  country,  as  a decided  anti-slavery 
man,  and  it  was  hoped  and  believed  that  his 
name  would  reconcile  Northern  voters  to  the 
support  of  General  Taylor,  and  so  the  event 
proved. 

The  original  draft  of  Mr.  Fillmore’s  letter, 
accepting  the  nomination  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency, was  submitted  to  his  friends,  and  un- 
der them  advice,  was  not  published,  until  cer- 
tain extreme  anti-slavery  sentiments  were 
stricken  out,  wftich,  in  their  judgment,  would 
have  been  fatal  to  the  Whig  party  at  the  South. 

After  his  elevation  to  the  Vice-Presidency, 
Mr.  Fillmore  took  a new  departure  in  poli- 
tics, and  I propose  to  point  out  some  of  the  cir- 
cumstances which  preceded  and  attended  it. 

In  the  year  1839,  Mr.  Seward  being  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  a bill  was  passed  by  the 
Legislature  of  that  State,  creating  the  office 
of  Vice-chancellor  for  Western  New  York. 
This  office  was  given  by  Gov.  Seward  to 
Frederick  Whittelsey  of  Rochester,  the  bill 
creating  it  having  passed  the  Legislature  with 
the  general  understanding  that  that  appoint- 
ment would  be  made  under  it.  Before  tne 
final  completion  of  these  proceedings,  Mr. 
Fillmore,  then  at  Washington,  wrote  a letter 
to  a distinguished  gentleman  at  Albany,  ex- 
pressing his  own  wish  for  this  appointment, 
if  it  could  be  given  to  him  consistently  with 
the  arrangements  of  the  Whig  party.  In  re- 
ply, Mr.  Weed  apprised  him  of  the  circum- 


4 


stances  attending  the  creation  of  the  office. 
Mr.  Fillmore,  however,  never  forgave  Gov. 
Seward  for  his  failure  to  gratify  him  in  this 
matter. 

In  reference  to  some  of  the  appointments 
made  by  General  Taylor  for  the  State  of  New 
York,  opposing  recommendations  were  made 
by  Gov.  Seward  and  Mr.  Fillmore.  The  lat- 
ter gentleman  complained,  although  really 
without  cause,  that  he  did  not  have  that 
weight  with  General  Taylor  to  which  he  was 
entitled.  In  the  end,  a coolness  grew  up  be- 
tween Gen.  Taylor  and  Mr.  Fillmore,  which 
carried  Mr.  Fillmore  by  insensible  degrees 
into  the  camp  of  their  common  enemies.  Be- 
coming more  and  more  estranged  from  General 
Taylor,  he  joined  himself  to  the  opposition 
raised  by  the  South  and  by  the  democratic 
party  to  General  Taylor’s  territorial  policy, 
and  at  length  became  a prominent  and  con- 
spicuous member  of  the  coterie  of  Union  sa- 
vers. Nor  did  he  fail  to  take  an  early  advan- 
tage of  his  new  political  connections,  to  grati- 
fy the  views  in  respect  to  the  distribution  of 
office,  disappointment  in  which  was  the  sole 
cause  of  his  opposition  to  the  soldier  and  pa- 
triot then  administering  the  government. 

In  a speech  delivered  in  California  in  the 
fall  of  1854,  Mr.  Foote  of  Mississippi  lets  us 
into  some  of  these  secret  movements.  After 
recapitulating  the  points  of  one  of  his  speeches 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  in  which  he  had 
denounced  the  free-soil  movements  and  nomi- 
nations to  office  of  General  Taylor,  Mr.  Foote 
says : — ^ w . 

“ I had  not  long  taken  my  seat  before  Mr. 
Badger  of  North  Carolina,  one  of  the  purest  and 
most  patriotic  men  that  ever  occupied  a place 
in  the  national  council,  came  to  me  and  stated 
that  Vice-President  Fillmore,  the  then  presid- 
ing officer  of  the  Senate,  had  requested  him 
to  make  known  to  me  that  he  perfectly  con- 
curred in  the  views  which  I had  just  express- 
ed, and  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  have  an 
interview  with  me  on  the  subject  in  the  official 
rooms  of  the  Capitol,  at  the  hour  of  nine 
o’clock  on  the  next  morning.  I promised  to 
attend  upon  him  at  the  time  and  place  speci- 
fied. I did  so. 

“ Without  going  into  particulars  at  present, 
it  is  sufficient  for  me  to  say  that  I obtained  by 
the  direction  of  Mr.  Fillmore  from  the  hands . 
of  an  accredited  friend  of  his,  a list  of  the 
nominees  subject  to  the  objection  of  being 
agitators  on  the  question  of  slavery.  This 
whole  catalogue  of  worthies  was  disposed  of  in 
the  Senate , in  other  words  they  were  sacrificed 
to  the  peace  of  the  country ; save  one  or  two, 
whose  nominations  remained  to  be  acted  upon 
on  the  last  night  of  the  session  of  Congress. 
They  were  disposed  of  by  Mr.  Fillmore  him- 
self on  the  same  night;  for  just  before  the 


clock  struck  twelve,  this  gentleman,  bein 
then  President,  sent  in  a special  messag 
withdrawing  all  the  offensive  nomination 
and  substituting  others  in  their  stead.” 

From  this  period,  Mr.  Fillmore  was  again J 
his  old  friends  and  his  old  principles.  Aj 
President  he  acted  with  the  South  and  wit 
the  Democrats.  Whig  members  of  Congred 
had  no  access  to  him,  and  no  influence  wit 
him.  It  was  at  the  end  of  his  administrate 
that  honest  John  Davis  of  Massachusetts,  wit 
bowed  head  and  desponding  heart,  made  till 
memorable  declaration  that  “ slavery  ruU 
everything .”  A distinguished  member  of  th: 
House  from  Maine,  Mr.  Washburn,  has  ir 
formed  the  public  that  Mr.  Davis  said  to  hin- 
that  he  felt  himself  as  much  a stranger  in  thj 
White  House  after  the  accession  of  Mr.  Fil 
more,  as  he  did  during  the  administration  o: 
Mr.  Polk.  What  was  true  of  Mr.  Davis,  th 
tried  and  trusted  leader  of  the  Whigs  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  was  true  of  all  the  Whigs  of  thi 
North  who  held  fast  to  old  principles.  Mi 
Fillmore  received  his  reward  in  the  unani 
mous  support  of  the  South  in  the  Whig  cob 
vention  of  1852.  But  between  himself  an 
the  true  Whigs  of  the  North,  he  had,  witj 
his  own  hands,  erected  an  impassable  wall 
separation.  ! 

No  personal  disappointments  could  justif 
Mr.  Fillmore  in  forming  his  new  alliance 
against  Gen.  Taylor,  but  in  truth,  nothing  ha 
occurred  of  which  he  had  the  least  right  t 
complain.  Gen.  Taylor  was  a just,  upright  an< 
sagacious  man.  Instead  of  finding  Mr.  Fil 
more  an  impartial  counsellor,  taking  a broa 
view  of  things,  he  found  him  intent  at  a 
times  on  advancing  his  peculiar,  personal  in 
terests.  At  the  first  interview  between  thei 
in  Washington,  Mr.  Fillmore  demanded  tha 
his  partner,  Mr.  Hall,  should  be  appointe 
Governor  of  Minnesota,  and  that  Mr.  Foot( 
the  editor  of  his  paper,  the  Buffalo  Commei 
cial  Advertiser,  should  be  appointed  Ministe 
at  Constantinople.  Gen.  Taylor  could  not  bu 
see,  and  he  did  see,  that  Mr.  Fillmore  was 
mere  office  broker,  for  his  particular  friends 
instead  of  being  a reliable  adviser  for  the  ge 
neral  good  of  a common  party.  Again,  a 
Erie,  when  Gen.  Taylor  was  lying  there  sick 
and  so  sick,  that,  to  use  his  own  expression,  h 
“ could  not  tell  night  from  dayf  Mr.  Fillmor! 
came  up  from  Buffalo,  not  to  minister  to  him 
not  to  comfort  him,  but  to  extort  a premia 
from  him,  the  performance  of  which  he  after 
wards  exacted,  that  his  friend,  Mr.  StuarJ 
should  be  appointed  Architect  of  public  builcfl 
ings.  Gen.  Taylor  noted  these  and  similaj 
things,  and  often,  before  his  death,  spoke  ol 
them  with  grief  and  indignation. 

I know  that  there  are  many  Whigs  a;  till 
North,  who  still  hold  in  good  faith  to  the  ol« 


5 


rinoiples  of  the  Whig  party  of  the  North, 
rho  incline  to  support  Mr.  Fillmore.  Let 
le  warn  such  men,  that  the  rancor  of  a rene- 
ade  always  surpasses  the  hostility  of  an  ori- 
inal  enemy,  and  that  we  have  more  to  hope, 

[ speak  now  as  an  original  Whig,)  from  Mr. 
luchanan,  than  from  Mr.  Fillmore,  who  hates 
is  old  associates  and  his  old  principles,  from 
the  consciousness,  which  he  cannot  escape, 
hat  he  has  been  false  to  both.  Implacable 
nmity  to  all  the  true  men  of  the  North, , and 
Ihorough  devotion  to  the  politicians  of.  the 
nuth;  these  make  up  the  personal,  relations, 
.ever  again  to  be  changed,  of  Mr.  Fillmore. 

The  American  Party  Platform. 

The  present  platform  of  the  American  party, 
i.dopted  in  February  last,  and  upon  which 
‘ Jr.  Fillmore  now . stands,  is  precisely  the 
i ame  as  the  Cincinnati  platform,  so  far  as  the 
Xansas-Nebraska  policy  is  concerned.  This 
>s  clear  from  its  language,  and  equally  so  from 
ts  history. 

The  first  platform  of  the  American  party, 
i idopted  in  June,  1855,  contained  the  celebrated 
‘ Twelfth  section ,”  now  expunged,  and  which 
vas  as  follows : 

“XII.  The  American  party  having  arisen 
lpon  the  ruins,  and  in  spite  of  the  opposition, 
)f  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  cannot 
be  in  any  manner  responsible  for  the  obnoxious 
nets  or  violated  pledges  of  either.  And  the 
systematic  agitation  of  the  slavery,  question 
i by  those  parties  having  elevated  sectional  hos- 
tility into  a positive  element  of  political  pow- 
er, and  brought  our  institutions  into  peril,  it 
: has,  therefore,  become  the  imperative  duty  of 
the  American  party  to  interpose  for  the  pur- 
pose of  giving  peace  to  the  country  and  per- 
petuity to  the  Union.  And,  as  experience 
has  shown  it  impossible  to  reconcile  opinions 
so  extreme  as  those  which  separate  the.  dispu- 
tants, and  as  there  can  be  no  dishonor  in  sub- 
mitting to  the  laws,  the  National  Council  has 
deemed  it  the  best  guarantee  of  common  jus- 
tice and  of  future  peace,  to  abide  by  and 
maintain  the  existing  laws  upon  the  subject 
of  slavery  as  a final  and  conclusive  settlement 
of  that  subject,  in  spirit  and  in  substance. 

“And  regarding  it  the  highest  duty  to  avow 
i their  opinions  upon  a subject  so  important  in 
distinct  and  unequivocal  terms,  it  is  hereby 
declared,  as  the  sense  of  this  National  Coun- 
cil, that  Congress  possesses  no  power  under 
the  Constitution  to  legislate  upon  the  subject 
of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  does  or  may 
exist,  or  to  exclude  any  State  from  admission 
into  the  Union  because  its  Constitution  does 
or  does  not  recognize  the  institution  of  slavery 
as  a part  of  its  social  system ; and  expressly 
pretermitting  any  expression  of  opinion  upon 


the  power  of  Congress  to  establish  or  prohi- 
bit slavery  in  any  Territory,  it  is  the  sense  of 
the  National  Council  that  Congress  ought  not 
to  legislate  upon  the  subject  of  slavery  within 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
any  interference  by  Congress  with  slavery  as 
it  exists  in  the  District  of  Columbia  would  be 
a violation  of  the  spirit  and  intention  of  the 
compact  by  which  the  State  of  Maryland  ceded 
the  District  to  the  United  States,  and  a breach 
of  the  national  faith.” 

Here  was  no  approval  of  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  On  the  contrary,  the 
reference  to  “obnoxious  acts”  and  “violated 
pledges,”  was  intended,  either  to  condemn  it, 
or  to.  carry  the  appearance  of  condemning,  it. 
But  in  respect  to  all  present  and  future  action, 
which  is  its  only  practical  aspect,  this  section 
sustains  the  Nebraska  act  as  a thing  settled 
and  not  to  be  disturbed. 

This  twelfth  section  offended  the  great  body 
of  the  northern  Americans,  and  at  a separate 
convention  holden  at  Cincinnati  in  the  fall  of 
1855,  in  which  this  northern  wing  was  largely 
represented,  the  following  resolution  was 
adopted : 

“That  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise was  an  infraction  of  the  plighted  faith 
of  the  nation,  and  that  it  should  be  restored; 
and  if  efforts  to  that  end  should  fail,  Congress 
should  refuse  to  admit  into  the  Union  any 
State  tolerating  slavery,  which  shall  be  formed 
out  of  any  portion  of  the  Territory  from 
which  that  institution  was  excluded  by  that 
compromise.” 

This  was  the  most  moderate  form  to  which 
the  demands  of  the  northern  Americans  could 
then  be  reduced. 

In  February  last,  the  party  met  again  in 
national  convention,  and  having  set  aside  the 
platform  of  June,  1855,  adopted  a new  one, 
of  which  the  two  following  are  the  only 
clauses  which  relate  to  the  Nebraska  contro- 
versy : 

“ Seventh.  The  recognition  of  the  right  of 
the  native-born  and  naturalized  citizens  of 
the  United  States  permanently  residing  in 
any  Territory  thereof,  to  frame  their  consti- 
tution and  laws,  and  to  regulate  their  domes- 
tic and  social  affairs  in  their  own  mode,  sub- 
ject only  to  the  provisions  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  with  the  right  of  admission  into 
the  Union  whenever  they  have  the  requisite 
population  for  one  Representative  in  Con- 
gress.” 

“ Thirteenth.  Opposition  to  the  reckless  and 
unwise  policy  of  the  present  Administration, 
in  the  general  management  of  our  national 
affairs,  and  more  especially  as  shown  in 


6 


‘removing  Americans’  (by  designation)  and 
conservatives  in  principle  from  office,  and 
placing  foreigners  and  ultraists  in  their  places ; 
as  shown  in  a truckling  subserviency  to  the 
stronger,  and  an  insolent  and  cowardly  bra- 
vado towards  the  weaker  powers;  as  shown 
in  reopening  sectional  agitation,  by  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  compromise,”  &e. 

As  to  the  past,  this  new  platform  differs 
from  the  old  platform,  inasmuch  as  it  ex- 
pressly condemns  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  whereas  the  old  one  does  so 
only  by  inference  and  construction,  if  it  does 
so  at  all. 

As  to  the  present  and  future,  the  two  plat- 
forms are  identical,  both  upholding  the  Ne- 
braska policy  of  Judge  Douglass,  and  both 
repudiating  Congressional  control  over  the 
Territories,  under  pretence  of  giving  to  the 
citizens  thereof  the  right  to  govern  them- 
selves. 

Practically,  it  is  of  no  moment,  what  indi- 
viduals, or  parties,  think  of  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  The  important  ques- 
tion is,  what  shall  now  be  done  ? Shall  the 
Douglass  swindle  be  acquiesced  in,  or  shall 
the  Compromise  be  restored,  in  letter  or  sub- 
stance ? But  while  this  is  the  only  practical 
question,  I must  take  occasion  to  say  that  I 
find  it  easier  to  respect  those  who  sustain  the 
Douglass  policy,  as  right  in  principle,  than 
those  who  condemn  it,  and  at  the  same  time 
sustain  it. 

The  Northern  members  of  the  February 
Convention,  saw  at  once  that  this  new  plat- 
form was  as  complete  a repudiation  of  their 
views  as  the  old  one. 

A resolution  was  offered  by  one  of  them 
that  “ we  will  nominate  no  candidate  for  Pre- 
sident or  Vice  President , who  is  not  in  favor 
of  interdicting  the  introduction  of  slavery 
north  of  36°  30'.” 

A motion  was  made  to  lay  this  resolution 
on  the  table,  and  it  was  carried — yeas  141, 
nays  59. 

The  resolution  to  proceed  to  a ballot  having 
passed,  the  Convention  was  about  to  do  so, 
when  Mr.  Perkins  of  Connecticut,  announced 
the  secession  from  the  Convention  of  the  del- 
egates of  that  State,  which  was  followed  by 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Ohio,  and  por- 
tions of  the  delegates  of  Illinois,  Iowa,  and 
Pennsylvania. 

These  seceding  members  put  forth  an  ad- 
dress to  the  public,  of  which  the  following  is 
the  material  portion : 

“ The  undersigned,  delegates  to  the  Nomi- 
nating Convention  now  in  session  at  Philadel- 
phia, find  themselves  compelled  to  dissent 
from  the  principles  avowed  by  that  body ; and 
holding  the  opinion,  as  they  do,  that  the  resto- 
ration of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  demanded 


by  a majority  of  the  whole  people,  is  a re- 
dress of  an  undeniable  wrong,  and  the  resto- 
ration of  it,  in  spirit  at  least,  indispensable  to 
the  repose  of  the  country,  they  have  regarded 
the  refusal  of  that  Convention  to  recognize  the 
well  defined  opinion  of  the  country,  and  of 
the  Americans  of  the  free  States,  upon  this 
question,  as  a denial  of  their  rights,  and  a re- 
buke to  their  sentiments. 

Many  Northern  members  having  left  the 
Convention  upon  these  grounds,  Mr.  Fillmore 
obtained  the  nomination,  receiving  the  South- 
ern votes,  with  the  exception  of  a few  given 
to  Garret  Davis,  of  Ky.,  and  General  Houston. 
14  of  the  15  delegates  from  Virginia  voted  for 
Mr.  Fillmore,  and  so  did  unanimously  the  del- 
egations from  Maryland,  Delaware,  North  Ca- 
rolina, Missouri,  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida, 
and  Mississippi.  And  thus  the  South  obtain- 
ed the  platform  it  wanted,  and  the  man  of  its 
choice. 

This  thing  was  and  is  understood  by  th« 
Southern  members  of  that  Convention,  precise- 
ly as  it  was  by  the  Northern  members.  The 
South  came  off  the  substantial  winner,  al- 
though, for  theatrical  effect,  it  was  thought 
best  to  shed  a few  tears  over  the  departed 
“ twelfth  section .” 

Mr.  Zollicoffer,  a member  of  this  House, 
from  Tennessee,  was  a member  of  that  Con- 
vention, and  he  has  told  us  here,  exactly  what 
the  true  scope  of  the  new  platform  is.  I will 
quote  from  his  reported  speech. 

In  the  House  on  the  3rd  of  April,  1856, 
[Appendix  to  Cong.  Globe,  1st  session,  34th 
Cong,  page  355,] 

Mr.  Zollicoffer  said : 

“ My  colleague  makes  the  point  against  me, 
that  the  thirteenth  section  embraces  a specifi- 
cation against  the  Administration,  for  ‘re- 
opening sectional  agitation  by  a repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise.’  I will  inform  my  col- 
league that  I proposed  to  strike  out  that  spe- 
cification, and  every  specification  in  the  thir- 
teenth section ; but  there  being  much  disorder 
at  the  time,  I failed  to  succeed.  * * * The 
question  was  subsequently  about  being  put  in 
the  American  council, — shall  the  new  platform 
be  adopted  in  lieu  of  the  old?  when  some 
member  proposed  a division  of  the  question, 
which  was  agreed  to,  and  the  vote  was  first 
taken  upon  striking  out  the  old  platform,  I 
voted  against  striking  out,  but  the  proposition 
was  carried.  Then  the  question  recurred  upon 
adoption  of  the  new  platform.  I voted  for  its 
adoption.  I did  it  just  as  I voted  for  the  Kan- 
sas-Nebraska  bill  in  1854,  with  some  minor 
objections,  which  I stated  at  the  time.  * * * 
But  to  make  the  most  of  that  specification  in 
the  platform,  it  is  but  an  expression  of  opin- 
ion as  to  a bygone  ism,  while  the  seventh  sec- 
tion of  the  platform  lays  down  a vital  prin- 


7 


oiple  of  action  for  the  present  and  the  future, 
•covering  the  whole  ground,  and  REASSERT- 
ING THE  LEADING  PRINCIPLE  EMBOD- 
IED BOTH  IN  THE  OLD  TWELFTH  SEC- 
TION AND  IN  THE  NEBRASKA  ACT.” 

Thus  it  is  clear,  that  the  American  platform, 
for  all  substantial  purposes,  is  identical  with 
the  Cincinnati  platform. 

To  the  same  effect,  another  Fillmore  mem- 
ber of  this  House,  Hon.  Charles  Ready  of  Ten- 
nessee, in  a recent  letter  to  his  constituents, 
says : 

“ It  is  true,  Mr.  Fillmore  was  opposed  to 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  restriction ; and 
some,  it  may  be  many,  of  his  supporters,  were 
also  opposed  to  it.  Therein,  there  was  a dif- 
ference of  opinion  between  us. 

“But  all  those  things  are  past.  We  must 
now  look  to  the  future.  Will  there,  in  the 
future,  be  an  issue  between  us  ? Is  Mr.  Fill- 
more now,  and  will  he  hereafter  be,  in  favor 
of  restoring  the  Missouri  restriction  ? He  is 
known  to  be  opposed  to  all  agitation  on  the 
■subject  of  slavery,  and  to  stand  by  the  exist- 
ing laws.  Then,  there  is  no  practical  issue 
between  us  upon  this  point,  nor  is  there  be- 
tween him  and  Mr.  Buchanan.  He  also  holds 
to  the  right  of  the  Territory  to  admission  into 
the  Union,  with  a constitution  prohibiting  or 
-establishing  Slavery,  as  the  people  may  there- 
in provide.  In  this,  we  also  agree  with  each 
other,  and  with  Mr.  Buchanan.  Surely,  then, 
I can  support  him  without  any  inconsistency 
or  change  of  political  opinion.” 


Mr.  Fillmore's  Position. 

Mr.  Fillmore  talks , just  as  his  platform 
reads.  Following  that  lead,  he  condemns  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  he 
says  that  he  was  opposed  to  it  when  it  was 
done.  I believe  this  to  be  an  after  thought. 
Not  one  word,  not  one  line,  was  given  to  the 
public  by  Mr.  Fillmore  in  1854,  against  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  He . was 
then  making  a tour  through  the  South,  deliver- 
ing speeches,  and  whining  about  the  “Union,” 
just  as  he  is  now.  Not  a lisp  did  he  utter 
against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
until  the  cue  was  given  him  in  this  platform. 
Following  the  same  cue,  he  avoids  saying  any 
thing  about  restoring  the  Compromise. 

Not  only  does  Mr.  Fillmore  thus  adopt  a 
platform,  in  no  respect  better  than  the  one 
which  is  sinking  Mr.  Buchanan,  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  plummet,  but  he  himself  super- 
adds to  it,  nullification,  disunion  and  treason. 
This  is  strong  language,  but  it  is  borne  out  by 
the  truth.  Mr.  Fillmore  does  not  merely  pre- 
dict disunion,  but  he  incites  and  approves  it. 
Ho  does  not  merely  say  that  the  South  will 


dissolve  the  Union  if  Col.  Fremont  is  elected, 
but  that  they  ought  to  dissolve  it,  and  would 
be  doing  no  more  than  the  North  would  do 
under  similar  circumstances. 

At  Albany,  June  the  26th,  Mr.  Fillmore 
said : — 

“We  see  a political  party  presenting  candi- 
dates for  the  Presidency  and  Vice  Presidency, 
selected  for  the  first  time  from  the  tree  States 
alone,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  electing 
these  candidates  by  suffrages  of  one  part  of 
the  Union  only,  to  rule  over  the  whole  United 
States.  Can  it  be  possible  that  those  who  are 
engaged  in  such  a measure  can  have  seriously 
reflected  upon  the  consequences  which  must 
inevitably  follow,  in  case  of  success  ? [Cheers.] 
Can  they  have  the  madness  or  the  folly  to  be- 
lieve that  our  southern  brethren  would  sub- 
mit to  be  governed  by  such  a Chief  Magis- 
trate? [Cheers.]  Suppose  that  the  South 
having  a majority  of  the  electoral  votes, 
should  declare  that  they  would  only  have 
slave-holders  for  President  and  Vice  President ; 
and  should  elect  such  by  their  exclusive  suf- 
frages to  rule  over  us  at  the  North ; do  you 
think  we  would  submit  to  it?  No,  not  for  a 
moment.  [Applause.]  And  do  you  believe 
that  your  southern  brethren  are  less  sensitive 
on  this  subject  than  you  are,  or  less  jealous  of 
their  rights  ?” 

Certainly,  Mr.  Fillmore  advances  rapidly. 
In  1848,  an  abolitionist;  in  1850,  a Union 
man;  in  1856,  a Nullifier.  What  next? 

Who  will  support  and  control  Mr.  Fillmore  ? 

By  no  possibility  can  Mr  Fillmore  get  a 
northern  vote  in  the  electoral  colleges.  In  all 
probability,  he  can  get  none  anywhere.  If, 
however,  the  election  is  accidentally  thrown 
into  this  House,  not  a solitary  northern  State  is 
in  his  favor,  as  represented  here.  In  any  wise, 
his  whole  strength  is  at  the  South.  His  party 
is  there.  The  control  of  it  lies  there.  The 
northern  Americans  are  mere  bobs  to  a south- 
ern kite,  just  as  the  northern  Democrats  are. 
The  only  question  between  the  Buchanan  and 
Fillmore  parties  is,  which  of  two  parties,  both 
intensely  and  exclusively  southern,  shall  vault 
into  power. 

Now,  I assert  here,  that  the  thirty  Fillmore 
members  of  this  House  from  the  South,  are 
even  more  rapidly  and  furiously  pro-slavery 
than  the  Democrats  from  the  South  are.  They 
united  in  the  attempt  to  make  Governor  Aiken, 
with  his  fifteen  hundred  slaves,  Speaker.  They 
resisted,  to  a man,  the  investigation  into  the 
Kansas  outrages,  and  to  a man,  they  resist 
every  measure  of  redress.  To  a man,  they 
voted  against  the  restoration  of  the  Missouri 
compromise,  as  provided  in  Mr.  Dunn’s  bill. 


8 


To  a man,  they  voted  to  keep  General  Whit- 
field, the  bogus  Delegate  from  Kansas,  in  his 
seat.  On  everything,  hearing  directly  or  in- 
directly upon  slavery,  they  vote  to  a man. 
They  did  so  on  the  contested  seat-  between 
Messrs.  Allen  and  Archer,  of  Illinois. 

They  threaten  disunion  if  the  Missouri  re- 
striction is  restored.  On  the  20th  of  last 
December,  (Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe, 
page  30,)  Mr.  Cox,  of  Kentucky,  said : — 

“ When  you  tell  me  that  you  intend  to  put 
a restriction  on  the  Territories,  I say  to  you, 
that  upon  that  subject  the  South  is  a unit,  and 
will  not  submit  to  any  such  thing.” 

On  the  19th  of  last  December,  (Appendix 
to  Congressional  Globe,  page  56,)  Mr.  Camp- 
bell, of  Kentucky  said : — 

“ It  is  an  interference  with  our  institutions 
when  our  citizens  are  denied  the  same  rights 
in  the  new  territories  with  the  citizens  from 
the  North,  for  that  territory  belongs  to  us  as 
much  as  it  does  to  you.  * * * * 

“ Whenever  this  Government  makes  a dis- 
tinction between  a southern  and  northern  con- 
stituency or  citizenship,  then  we  shall  no 
longer  consider  ourselves  bound  to  support  the 
Confederacy,  but  will  resort  to  the  right  of 
revolution,  which  is  recognized  by  all.” 

The,  following  is  one  of  the  resolutions  of 
the  last  American  State  convention  in  Ala- 
bama:— 

“ Resoloed , That  in  view  of  the  increased 
dangers  that  threaten  the  institutions  of  the 
South,  this  convention  deems  it  necessary  to, 
and  does  hereby,  reindorse  and  adopt  the  fol- 
lowing resolution,  known  as  the  Georgia 
platform,  to  wit : That  the  State  of  Alabama, 
in  the  judgment  of  this  convention,  will  and 
ought  to  resist,  (as  a last  resort,)  to  a disrup- 
tion of  every  tie  which  binds  her  to  the  Union, 
any  action  of  Congress  upon  the  subject  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  in 
places  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress, 
incompatible  with  the  safety,  the  domestic 
tranquillity,  the  rights  and  honor  of  the  slave- 
holding States;  or  any  act  suppressing  the 
slave  trade  between  the  slaveholding  States ; 
or  any  refusal  to  admit  as  a State  any  terri- 
tory applying,  because  of  the  existence  of  sla- 
very therein;  or  any  act  prohibiting  the  intro- 
duction of  slaves  into  the  territories ; or  any 
act  repealing,  or  materially  modifying,  the 
laws  now  in  force  for  the  recovery  of  fugitive 
slaves.” 

It  is  useless  to  multiply  quotations  further. 
The  whole  thing  is  stated  with  exactness  and 
truth  in  a letter  addressed,  on  the  2d  inst.,  to 
citizens  of  New  Jersey,  by  a member  of  this 


House,  [Mr.  Watkins,  of  Tennessee,]  himself 
elected  as  an  American  to  his  seat  here : — 

“ Taking  the  record  of  this  Congress  in  the 
various  tests  that  have  been  applied  and  the 
relative  position  and  votes  of  the  three  par- 
ties, I am  forced  to  the  conclusion,  by  every 
principle  of  reason,  policy,  and  philosophy, 
that  the  South  Americans  must  and  will, 
ultimately  unite  with  the  Democratic  party, 
and  those  who  claim  to  be  Americans  North 
with  the  republican  party.” 

And  again,  in  the  same  letter,  Mr.  Watkins 
says : — 

“The  interests,  sympathies,  and  legitimate 
and  proper  identity  of  the  South  Americans 
are  with  the  national  democratic  party  of  the 
country.” 

Undoubtedly  this  is  so,  and  to  sincere  men, 
holding  sincere  opinions  upon  the  great  ques- 
tion of  slavery  extension,  it  must  be  apparent, 
that  as  affecting  the  result,  the  election  of  Mr. 
Fillmore  will  be  precisely  the  same  as  the 
election  of  Mr.  Buchanan.  They  are  both 
southern  candidates,  having  their  strength 
at  the  South,  and  certain  to  be  controlled 
by  the  South,  if  elected.  I am  aware,  as  I 
have  said  once  before,  that  many  persons  at 
the  North,  honestly  opposed  to  the  extension 
of  slavery,  are  still  inclined  to  Mr.  Fillmore, 
from  a misapprehension  of  his  true  position. 
To  such  men  I have  particularly  designed  to 
address  myself.  Can  they  believe,  upon  a 
fair  review  of  the  whole  case,  that  freedom 
has  anything  to  hope  from  the  success  of  Mr. 
Fillmore  ? 

We  are  upon  the  eve,  sir,  of  important 
political  movements,  and  I intend  to  speak 
plainly.  It  is  fast  becoming  apparent  that 
Mr.  Fillmore  has  no  effective  strength  and 
can  carry  no  single  State.  His  friends  still 
cling  to  Maryland  as  a forlorn  hope,  but  they 
must  soon  abandon  even  that  State.  If  Mr. 
Fillmore  is  not  formally  withdrawn,  he  will 
be  substantially  dropped.  The  bulk  of  his 
present  supporters  at  the  North  will,  in  that 
event,  rally  under  the  broad  banner  of  Fre- 
mont and  Freedom.  Not  so,  I fear,  with  Mr. 
Fillmore  himself  and  his  immediate  advisers. 
It  is  my  most  deliberate  judgment  that  they 
prefer  Mr.  Buchanan  to  Col.  Fremont,  and 
that  they  will  keep  Mr.  Fillmore  in  the  field, 
or  withdraw  him,  just  as  may  be  thought  best 
for  the  interests  of  the  democratic  party.  In 
my  opinion,  there  is  not  in  all  the  Northern 
States  a man  more  completely  and  irretrieva- 
bly wedded  to  the  South,  by  his  sympathies 
on  the  one  hand  and  his  hatreds  on  the  other, 
than  Mr.  Fillmore.  Since  1850,  he  has  been 
with  the  South  and  with  the  democratic  party, 
and  he  will  never  return  to  the  friends  whom 


9 


, has  betrayed.  They  expect  nothing  from 
m but  implacable  hostility  to  the  last. 

But  to  the  great  body  of  his  present  sup- 
irters  at  the  North,  I appeal  with  conhdtooe 
)me  over  to  your  natural  allies.  Unite  the 
orth  and  thereby  tranquilize  the  Union.  In 
e presence  of  an  united  and  irresistible 
orth,  the  madness  of  Southern  nullification 
ould  be  arrested.  Men  of  all  parties  of 
e South  are  rushing  to  the  support  of  Mr. 
achanan,  as  the  pledged  representative  of 
mthern  sectional  interests.  Has  freedom 
ss  power  than  slavery,  to  produce  concert, 

id  arouse  sympathies?  , , a ,, 

The  support  of  Mr.  Fillmore  at  the  South, 
i this  moment,  is  a mere  sham  to  keep  alive 
Fillmore  party  at  the  North,  so  as  to  defeat 
ie  election  of  Ool.  Fremont  Will  the  mtel- 
gent  people  of  the  North  be  longer  deceived? 
Mr' Fillmore  has  delivered  many  speeches 
nee  * his  return  from  Europe,  but  m not  one 
f them  has  he  expressed  either  sympathy  tor 
he  down-trodden  people  of  Kansas,  or  mdig- 
ation  against  those  who  have  oppressed  them. 
Te  has  proposed  no  measure  of  redress  tor 
heir  wrongs,  and  he  has  offered  co-operation 
cl  no  such  measure.  For  the  cause  of  liberty, 
o fearfully  imperiled  by  the  wants  m Kansas, 
ie  has  uttered  no  word  of  cheer,  or  counsel, 

>r  hope  He  has  been  as  silent  and  as  cold  as 
he  grave  upon  a theme  which  has  stirred  the 
feemen  of  this  country,  as  they  have  not  been 
r stirred  since  the  days  of  the  Revolution  He 
-as  eyes  and  ears  for  nothing  but  the  Presi- 
3ncy,  and  that  to  be  reached  by  the  support 
l the  South.  He  has  no  voice,  and  no  heart, 

>r  the  North  which  he  has  abandoned. 

And  for  what  cause,  and  on  what  pretence, 
i the  North  to  be  persuaded  to  divide  its 
length  at  this  crisis?  For  an  issue  and  a 
uestion,  which,  in  all  its  political  aspects, 
as  been  abandoned  by  his  friends  upon  the 
nor  of  this  House.  A session  of  Congress 
f nearly  nine  months  is  near  its  termination, 
nd  no  friend  of  Mr.  Fillmore  here  has  moved 
ny  change  in  the  Naturalization  laws,  a change 
n which  is  the  only  substantial  object  pro- 
>osed  by  the  American  organization,  I he 
ihirty  Southern  friends  of  Mr.  Fillmore  have 
jeen  active  enough  and  zealous  enough,  when- 
ever or  wherever  the  interests  of  slavery  have 
been  concerned.  Not  one  thought,  or  one  mo- 
ment, have  they  given  to  this  pretended  issue  ot 
Americanism,  with  which  they  hope  to  divide 
the  North  and  secure  to  themselves  the  con- 


trol of  this  continent  forever.  Is  it  possible 
that  the  intelligence  of  the  free  States  wdl  be 
deceived  by  pretences  so  flimsy  ? _ 

Who  has  forgotten  the  declaration  made  »n 
this  floor,  during  the  contest  for  the  Speaker- 
ship,  by  Hon.  Humphrey  Marshall,  of  Ken- 
tucky, the  bold  and  frank  leader  of  Mr.  Fill- 
more’s thirty  Southern  members  of  this  House? 

“ I will  first  take  care  of  the  niggers , and  then 
take  care  of  the  Irish  and  Dutch!”  This  was 
the  out-spoken  declaration  of  Mr.  Marshall. 
Slavery  first,  and  Americanism  afterwards; 
this  is  the  motto  and  the  practice  of  the  South, 
Slavery  swallows  up  everything  else,  and  con- 
trols everything  else. 

And  who  is  running  for  the  Vice-Presidency 
on  the  same  ticket  with  Mr.  Fillmore  ! Mr, 
Donelson,  of  Tennessee,  who,  on  the  day  of 
his  nomination,  boasted  of  his  one  hundred 
negroes,  as  the  proof  and  guarantee  of  his 
fidelity  to  the  u institutions ” of  the  South! 
The  ticket  presented  to  us  is  not  Fillmore 
alone,  bad  as  that  would  be,  but  Fillmore  amd 

Donelson,  “niggers”  and  all.  . 

The  Augusta  (Ga.)  Chronicle,  urging  the 
claims  of  Mr.  Fillmore  upon  the  South,  makes 
the  following  statement  as  to  the  sentiments 
which  he  expressed  during  the  Southern  tour 
of  1854: 


« Having  made  the  tour  of  the  Southwestern 
Slave  States,  he  announced  on  the  steps  of  the 
State  House  door  in  Montgomery,  that  the 
anti- Slavery  prejudices  of  his  early  education 
had  been  obliterated  by  what  he  had  seen  in  the 
South  of  the  happy  condition  of  the  slave.” 


Of  the  fact  that  Mr.  Filling’s  original 
opinions  or  u aaiti- Slavery  prefaces”  have 
been  thoroughly  “ obliterated  ” there  can  be  no 
question,  but  the  date  and  cause  of  the  oblite- 
ration are  not  correctly  given  in  this  extract. 
It  was  not  the  Southern  tour  of  1854,  but  the 
Washington  intrigues  of  1850,  which  did  the 
work.  It  was  not  what  Mr.  Fillmore  saw  of 
“ the  happy  condition  of  the  slaves  ” at  the 
South,  but  what  he  had  seen  of  “ the  happy 
condition  ” of  politicians  at  this  seat  of  power, 
attaining  fortune  and  prosperity  by  subservien- 
cy to  the  interests  of  slavery.  It  was  this 
spectacle  of  what  has  been,  but  may  not  al- 

U 15  A XT  AT  V 


7 ", 

ways  continue,  which  “ obliterated  every 


single  free  principle  of  Mr.  Fillmore’ 
and  manhood. 


youth 


10 


LETTER  FROM  GEORGE  LAV 

New  York,  July  3,  1856. 

Dear  Sir  : I beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  letter  of  the  26th  ult.  I have  carefully  re- 
flected upon  its  contents.  In  reply,  I beg  to  state 
to  you  that  I deeply  regret  no  more  perfect  union 
has  been  effected  by  those  whose  duty  it  was  to 
have  accomplished  that  object — to  unite  the  whole 
elements  of  opposition  to  the  present  corrupt  ad- 
ministration, wielded  as  it  is  by  the  extreme  slave 
oligarchy  of  the  South.  For  the  last  three  years, 
this  same  oligarchy  has  used  the  entire  power  and 
patronage  of  the  General  Government  to  crush 
out  all  independent  action  and  honest  representa- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  North,  to  purchase  up 
Northern  men  who  were  willing  to  misrepresent 
their  constituents  from  personal  motives,  and  for 
promises  of  favor  from  the  present  corrupt  admin- 
istration. 

All  good  men  who  have  the  love  of  their  coun- 
try at  heart,  both  in  the  North  and  in  the  South, 
should  unite  cordially  in  a common  effort  to  de- 
stroy the  viper  that  has  coiled  around  the  free- 
dom and  independence  of  the  American  people. 
Freedom  of  speech  is  prohibited  in  the  halls  of 
Congress  : bowie-knives  and  revolvers  are  worn 
as  daily  appendages  at  the  Capitol  as  a means  of 
assault  and  defence.  The  Senate  declares  itself 
not  only  powerless  for  punishment,  but  even  pal- 
sied for  protection.  Its  members  look  quietly  on 
and  see  a member  stricken  down  in  open  day  ip 
the  Senate  chamber,  without  even  the  common 
effort  of  humanity  that  would  be  exercised  in  a 
bar-room  to  save  a man  prostrated,  without  an 
opportunity  of  defending  himself.  Thus  you  see 
that  those  who  represent  their  constituents 
honestly,  and  by  unanswerable  arguments,  and 
who  cannot  be  purchased  by  Executive  favor, 
must  be  awed  into  silence  by  bowie-knives,  blud- 
geons, and  revolvers.  Such  is  the  scheme  of 
Government  inaugurated  under  the  Pierce  dynasty, 
and  fostered  by  the  Southern  sectional  power  that 
supports  it.  Upon  this  basis,  and  into  the  arms 
of  this  power,  the  nominee  of  the  Cincinnati  Con- 
vention surrenders  himself  before  the  country, 
without  the  slightest  reservation  or  individual  in- 
dependence of  his  own.  What  has  the  country  to 
expect  if  Mr.  Buchanan  succeeds  ? Nothing  bet- 
ter than  what  it  has  experienced  under  Mr.  Pierce, 
and  perhaps  something  worse.  One  is  an  old  man 
without  independence  of  mind,  or  energy  of  cha- 
racter, which  the  country  is  forewarned  of  by  his 
declaration,  that  he  is  no  longer  James  Buchanan, 
and  has  no  views  or  opinions  of  his  own,  and  is 
therefore  the  pliant  instrument  of  the  Slave 
power  that  nominated  him  at  Cincinnati,  and 
must  reflect  their  views  only.  It  will  be  well  for 
the  American  people  to  remember  this  when  they 
cast  their  vote  for  chief  magistrate  in  November 
next. 

The  other  came  into  office,  a man  in  the  prime 
of  life,  without  any  such  submission  or  pledges, 
backed  up  by  almost  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
country  in  his  election,  and  yet  he  was  not  three 
weeks  in  office  before  he  surrendered  himself  to 


ON  THE  POLITICAL  CRISIS. 

the  same  oligarchy  that  has  wielded  his  powe 
during  his  administration,  as  absolutely  as  if  h 
had  no  will  or  mind  of  his  own,  and  had  no  ro 
sponsibility  to  any  section  of  the  Union  except  t 
the  350,000  slaveholders  of  the  South,  who  no1! 
control  the  Executive,  the  Judiciary,  and  th' 
Senate.  The  only  voice  the  Free  States  have  ij 
the  F ederal  Government  is  in  the  House  of  Bepre 
sentatives. 

Is  it  not  fair  to  expect  that  if  Mr.  Buchanai 
should  be  elected,  the  evils  that  the  country  ha 
experienced  for  the  last  three  years  will  go  on  in 
creasing  during  his  administration  until  the  North 
ern  mind  will  submit  no  longer  to  be  cheated 
bullied,  defied,  and  deprived  of  its  just  rights  anc 
fair  representations  in  the  Federal  Govern] 
ment. 

As  one  of  the  leading  features  of  the  coming! 
administration,  slavery  is  to  be  forced  into  Kan-( 
sas.  The  rivers,  the  great  highway  of  the  nation* 
through  Missouri,  a Slave  State,  are  to  be  closed] 
as  they  are  at  present,  to  the  freemen  of  the! 
North  who  desire  to  emigrate  to  that  territory.; 
Those  great  thoroughfares  which  have  heretofore 
been  looked  upon  as  the  pride  of  the  nation,  and 
that  steam  has  rendered  so  valuable  for  the  tran- 
sportation of  persons  or  property,  must  be  closed 
to  the  freemen  of  the  North,  or  they  must  be  sub- 
jected to  examination,  insult,  loss  of  property, 
and  turned  back,  unless  they  proclaim  themselves 
in  favor  of  the  institution  of  slavery  in  this  terri- 
tory. Such  means  as  these  are  made  use  of  to 
force  slavery  into  Kansas.  When  free  emigrants 
arrive  there,  after  all  these  difficulties  and  delays 
have  been  surmounted,  they  must  undergo  an- 
other examination,  and  swear  allegiance  to  the 
government  of  the  slave  power  organized  in  Kan- 
sas by  the  Missouri  mob,  or  be  deprived  of  the 
right  of  franchise  and  of  holding  office.  This  is 
the  operation  of  squatter  sovereignty,  which  de- 
prives a man  of  his  citizenship,  unless  he  swears 
fidelity  to  slavery ; and  all  this  is  to  be  carried 
out  and  put  in  execution  by  an  armed  force,  fur- 
nished from  Missouri — the  adjoining  Slave  State  ; 
and  the  Federal  Government,  with  Federal  troops 
in  the  Territory,  will  look  on  calmly  without  in- 
terfering, so  long  as  the  Missouri  mob  succeeds 
to  enforce  slavery  upon  Kansas-;  but  if  the  men 
from  -the  Free  States,  who  believe  in  free  speech, 
free  territory,  free  labor,  free  press,  and  free  men, 
should  be  too  numerous  for  the  slave  labor,  then  | 
the  Federal  troops  organized  for  this  special  pur- 
pose, under  the  command  of  a Southern  favorite 
of  a Southern  secessionist  Secretary  of  War,  are 
to  interfere  and  decide  the  contest  in  favor  of 
Slavery  in  Kansas.  So  much  for  the  chances  of 
Northern  principles  and  Northern  men  in  Kansas, 
and  all  that  vast  territory  North  of  36°  30',  se-  ! 
cured  to  freedom  by  solemn  compact,  in  which 
the  great  minds  of  the  country  united  to  build  up 
and  preserve  to  freedom,  and  which  the  pigmies  j 
and  traitors,  aided  by  this  corrupt  administration, 
have  attempted  to  pull  down  and  destroy.  Here 
is  where  Gen.  Pierce  stands,  and  here  is  where 


11 


tmes  Buchanan  stands,  while  asking  for  the  sup- 
,rt  of  the  freemen  of  the  North. 

A few  words  about  Mr.  Fillmore.  Let  us  ex- 
nine  with  what  consistency  we,  as  Americans, 

• Northern  freemen,  can  support  him.  What 
•e  his  antecedents?  When  President  of  the 
nited  States,  was  he  not  entirely  subservient  to 
ie  Slave  Power  ? Did  he  resist  the  overtures  of 
ie  Slave  Obligarchy  of  the  South,  or  did  he  be- 
jme  a willing  instrument  in  their  hands  ? I ask 
au  to  look  at  his  acts  while  President,  and  let 
iem  be  the  answers  to  these  questions.  I will 
)fer  you  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  that  makes 
ie  freemen  of  the  North  slave  catchers— that  re- 
ises  to  them  the  right  of  trial  by  jury— that 
entres  the  right  of  freedom  of  the  man  in  one 
id^e  and  pays  him  a double  fee  if  he  declares 
im  a slave,  and  only  half  the  fee  if  he  finds  him 
freeman.  This  is  the  power  that  the  slave  oli- 
•archy  of  the  South  exercise  at  the  North,  where 
re  have  prohibited  property  in  men  to  our  own 
itizens  ; and  this  act  bears  the  signature  of  Mil- 
ard  Fillmore  as  President  of  the  United  States.  I 
isk  you  how  he  can  expect  the  vote  of  the  free 
^orth.  Can  you  give  him  your  vote  ? Can  I give 
fim  mine  ? Are  these  the  views  you  and  I enter- 
;ain  in  relation  to  the  rights  and  the  duty  of  the 
people  of  the  North  or  mankind  ? Now,  sir,  upon 
this  question  alone,  without  going  into  all  his 
ather  acts  of  subserviency  to  the  South  and  the 
3lave  power,  let  him  stand  for  the  suffrages  of  the 
freemen  of  the  North. 

As  to  the  Americanism  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  you 
and  I have  some  knowledge  of  how  much  he  has 
done  to  sustain  that  party.  Has  he  ever  been 
identified  with  it  either  in  principle  or  in  feeling  ? 

If  so  where  are  his  acts— on  what  occasion  here- 
tofore has  he  proclaimed  it  ? What  assistance  has 
he  ever  rendered  us  in  all  our  contests  ? What 
were  his  antecedents  to  Americanism  when  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  ? Did  he  then  protect 
American  interests  or  American  men?  I well 
recollect  that  he  did  not,  and  the  country  will 
recollect  it  too.  „ , . . 

When  the  Captain-General  of  Cuba  issued  Ins 
decree  prohibiting  the  steamship  Crescent  City 
from  touching  at  Havana  so  long  as  Mr.  Smith,  an 
American  citizen,  was  aboard  of  her  as  Purser, 
^because,  as  they  alleged,  the  Herald  and  other 
papers  in  New  York  had  published  some  informa- 
tion from  Havana  that  was  distasteful  to  the  Cuban 
Government,  and  which  they  charged  to  have 
been  furnished  by  Purser  Smith,  and,  therefore, 
neither  the  Crescent  City  nor  any  other  American 
ship  should  be  allowed  to  touch  at  Havana  having 
Mr.  Smith  on  board,  or  any  other  person  who 
would  dare  to  furnish  to  the  American  press  in- 
formation disagreeable  to  the  Captain-General  of 
Cuba— Mr.  Fillmore  was  apprised  of  this  order 
by  the  owners  of  the  Crescent  City,  and  he  was 
desired  to  take  some  action  in  relation  to  it  for 
Iprotection  of  American  property  and  American 
citizens ; he  miserably  skulked  the  responsibility 
of  his  position,  and  used  his  interest  with  the 
owners  to  have  Mr.  Smith  dismissed  as  purser, 
and  to  be  replaced  by  some  one  who  was  satisfac 
tory  to  the  Captain-General  of  Cuba. 

This  the  owners  refused  to  do,  and  sent  M \ I 


Smith  back  in  the  ship.  Mr.  Fillmore  ordered  the 
United  States  mails  to  be  taken  from  the  vessel 
and  notified  the  owners  that  if  the  ship  was  fired 
upon  by  the  Cuban  authorities,  and  damaged  or 
destroyed,  that  they  would  have  no  claim  upon 
this  Government  for  remuneration.  The  com- 
mander of  the  Crescent  City  was  removed  by  his 
order,  he  being  an  officer  of  the  United  States 
Navy’  and  under  the  President’s  control.  Another 
commander  was  appointed  by  the  owners.  He, 
too  was  removed  by  Mr.  Fillmore  s orders.  I he 
ship  was  fined  $4,000  for  not  carrying  the  United 
States  mails,  when  the  United  States  Government 
or  Mr.  Fillmore  withheld  them.  _ The  insurance  - 
offices  in  New-York  were  either  frightened  by  the 
course  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  or  influenced  by  him  to 
withhold  their  insurance  from  property  shipped  by 
the  steamer  that  Purser  Smith  was  on  board  of. 
The  owners  of  the  Crescent  City  had  to  insure  the 
property  of  the  shippers.  The  passengers  on 
board  of  her  were  not  allowed  to  be  landed  im 
Cuba.  The  owners  persevered  in  what  they  con- 
sidered their  proper  rights,  and  the  rights  of  an 
American  citizen,  and  refused  to  dismiss  Purser 
Saiith,  until  the  Captain-General  of  Cuba  was 
obliged  to  rescind  the  mandate  against  Purser 
Smith.  This  is  the  mode  in  which  the  rights  of ^an 
American  citizen  had  to  be  vindicated  while  Mr. 
Fillmore  was  President.  This  is  the  same  Mr. 
Fillmore  that  you  recommend  me  to  support  as  an 
American.  Now,  sir,  can  you  support  him  as  an 
American  ? Can  the  American  Party  support  him 
as  an  American?  Is  he  the  proper  representative 
of  the  American  people  ? These  are  facts  for  the 
American  people  to  look  at  before  they  vote. 
For  my  part,  Mr.  Fillmore  would  be  the  last  man 
I would  support  in  the  whole  country  as  the  stan- 
dard bearer  of  the  great  American  Party. 

What  has  Mr.  Fillmore  ever  done  for  this  coun- 
try or  the  American  Party  ? Where  are  his  acts 
that  are  to  be  remembered  or  treasured  up  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people  ? What  great  interests  has 
he  ever  advanced  ? Or  has  he  been  a mere  office- 
holder, without  merit,  except  the  merit  of  doing 


lining  : , . , , 

You  are  aware  of  the  manner  in  which  he  was 
forced  upon  the  American  party  by  the  Slave  Oli- 
garchy at  Philadelphia,  when  he  apparently  re- 
ceived the  nomination  of  the  Convention. 

In  the  letter  to  me  you  appear  to  lay  great  stress 
upon  the  course  that  the  Republican  party  has 
seen  fit  to  pursue,  and  that  it  has  not  met  the 
American  party  half  way  in  the  great  work  of  unit- 
ing the  whole  North  against  the  corrupt  policy  of 
the  present  Administration  and  the  power  that 
controls  the  Cincinnati  nominee.  We  will  suppose 
that  all  this  is  true  in  relation  to  the  Republican 
party  I myself  do  not  think  the  Republican  Con- 
vention acted  as  wisely  as  it  might  have  done, 
when  the  object  was  harmony  of  action  to  accom- 
plish a great  good  for  the  whole  country;  but  is 
this  any  reason  why  I should  be  diverted  from  the 
o-reat  purpose  I have  at  heart,  which  is  to  unite  all 
parties  that  think  as  I do  in  relation  to  the i cor- 
rupt policy  of  the  present  Administration,  and  the 
continuation  of  that  policy  if  Mr.  BuchanaB 
should  be  elected  ? No  man,  or  set  of  men,  what 
ever  their  conduct  may  be,  shall  divert  me  for  one 


12 


moment  from  the  course  I have  marked  out  in  the 
•oming  Presidential  campaign. 

I intend  to  go  for  the  man  who  most  nearly  re- 
presents the  American  sentiment , and  the  senti- 
ment in  relation  to  Slavery  of  the  freemen  of  the 
North,  which  declares  that  Slavery  is  sectional  and 
that  Freedom  is  national.  At  the  same  time  I 
desire  to  have  the  best  representative  of  the  pro- 
gress of  the  age  in  which  we  live.  I want  a man 
who  has  done  something  for  the  great  material  in- 
terests of  the  country.  I want  to  see  his  foot- 
prints, not  promised,  but  already  made  in  the  di- 
rection that  has  led  to  the  development  of  the 
resources  of  our  country — who  has  enlarged  the 
field  upon  which  the  labor  and  intelligence  of  our 
country  is  to  be  applied — one  who  has  done  some- 
thing for  American  interests  and  American  rights 

one  who  has  done  something  forthe  area  of  freedom 
—something  for  material  progress  and  benefit  to 
his  fellow  men.  I want  no  old  politician,  with 
his  host  of  dependents  as  seedy  as  himself. 
Let  us  have  a man  in  the  prime  of  life,  full  of  en- 
ergy, and  yet  sufficiently  familiar  with  the  vicissi- 
tudes of  life  to  judge  of  men  correctly — to  appre- 
ciate the  wants  of  the  whole  country — to  avoid  th«r 
intrigues  and  traps  of  politicians— to  devote  him- 
self honestly  and  fearlessly  to  the  interests  of  the 
country — to  apply  the  resources  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  the  accomplishment  of  such  improvements 
as  are  national  in  their  character,  and  that  will 
result  in  the  greatest  benefit  to  the  whole  country 
— one  who  has  no  old  political  friends  to  reward, 
and  no  old  political  enemies  to  punish — one  who 
will  feel  that  he  is  elevated  by  the  people  and  not 
by  intrigue.  Now,  Sir,  of  the  candidates  who  are 
before  the  people  for  the  exalted  position  of  Chief 
Magistrate,  I prefer  John  C.  Fremont.  I prefer 
him  because  he  is  not  an  old  hackneyed  poli- 
tician. ana  all  sold  out.  He  is  in  the  prime  of 
life— 43  years  old.  He  has  been  brought  into 
notice  by  the  energy  and  exertion  that  he  has 
evinced  as  a great  explorer  of  the  route  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  He  first  opened  up  the  pathway 
through  the  wilderness  that  others  followed  to  the 
golden  fields  of  California,  and  gave  the  most  ac- 
curate and  extended  view  to  the  American  people, 
of  all  that  vast  region  of  country  between  the  bor- 
ders of  civilization  on  the  Atlantic  slope  and  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  He  took  an  active  part  and  was 
foremost  in  raising  and  sustaining  the  American 
flag  in  California,  He  commenced  first  and  went 
all  through  the  campaign  with  signal  success,  that 
ended  in  the  acquisition  of  all  that  vast  territory 
and  wealth — that  opened  up  to  American  enter- 
prise and  American  energy  such  a field  as  has  no 
parallel  in  history — which  has  advanced  the  coun- 
try at  least  25  years  at  a single  bound.  It  gave 
us  the  facilities  of  increasing  our  commerce.  It 
enabled  us  to  extend  largely  our  railways  and 
other  internal  improvements,  and  thus  has 
greatly  increased  our  manufacturing  and  agri- 


cultural interests  by  enlarging  the  field  of  pro 
duce  and  consumption.  It  has  added  hundredf 
of  millions  to  the  capital  of  the  nation.  By  his 
explorations  he  has  opened  up  the  most  centra] 
and  convenient  railroad  route  to  California 
He  aided  in  the  organization  of  California  as  a 
►State,  and  devoted  her  institutions  to  freedom  and 
she  acknowledged  her  indebtedness  to  Fremont,  by 
sending  him  as  her  first  Senator  to  Congress. 
He  protected  American  interests  in  California. 
He  protected  and  advocated  American  interests 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  His  antece-! 
dents  are  American.  He  rose  by  his  own  energy 
his  own  industry,  and  his  own  merit.  These  are 
antecedents  that  will  be  appreciated  by  the  Ame- 
rican people.  They  are  not  the  promises  of  to- 
day  of  American  principles  under  the  expectation! 
of  the  suffrages  of  the  American  party,  but  they 
are  a history  of  his  life  from  his  youth  upward, 
when  actuated  by  no  other  motives  than  a true , 
American  heart,  thoroughly  devoted  to  the  inte-  i 
rests  of  his  country. 

With  this  view  of  the  subject,  who  are  we  to 
support?  I have  fairly  canvassed  the  different! 
candidates.  So  far  as  Americanism  is  concerned, 
we  may  as  well  support  Mr.  Buchanan  as  Mr.  Fill- ! 
more.  He  has  a fairer  American  record  than  Mr. 
Fillmore  ; and,  as  for  the  promises  of  old  politi-  ; 
cians,  we  all  know  what  they  are  worth  on  the  eve 
of  an  election.  I do  not  mean  to  be  cheated  by 
them,  nor  do  I wish  to  see  the  American  people, 
by  pretensions  that  have  no  value,  but  that  are 
entirely  worthless. 

In  relation  to  the  subject  of  the  extension  of 
Slavery,  we  may  as  well  support  Mr.  Buchanan  as 
Mr.  Fillmore.  Mr.  Buchanan  promises  that  he  I 
will  be  governed  by  the  Southern  slaveholders,  : 
and  Mr.  Fillmore  we  know  has  already  been  go- 
verned by  them. 

As  to  advancing  the  interests  of  the  country, 
we  may  as  well  support  Mr.  Buchanan,  as  Mr. 
Fillmore.  Neither  of  them  has  ever  advanced,  by 
any  act  of  his  own,  the  great  industrial  interests 
of  the  country.  They  have  both  been  drones, 
living  on  office.  The  only  difference  that  I see  is, 
that  Mx\  Fillmore  is  about  five  years  younger  than 
Mr.  Buchanan,  and  has  that  many  chances  less  to 
die. 

You  would  laugh  and  ridicule  the  idea  if  I were 
to  ask  you  to  vote  for  Mr.  Buchanan  as  a proper 
representative  of  the  American  party ; it  seems 
to  me  equally  ridiculous  that  you  should  ask  me 
to  vote  for  Mr.  Fillmore  as  the  American  Can- 
didate. 

I shall  give  my  support  to  John  C.  Fremont,  as 
the  best  representative,  in  my  estimation,  of  the 
American  people  and  the  American  party. 

I am,  with  much  respect,  yours  truly, 

GEORGE  LAW. 

To  Gk  A.  Scroggs,  Esq.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 


1 


13 


OHAUNCEY  SHAFFER,  ESQ.,  RENOUNCING  FILLMORE. 


Saratoga  Springs,  August  14, 1856. 

DCfhaTrj^i,rec?ive’d;Sby'  way  of  New-York 

“ Coming  Back.— Chauncey  Shaffer,  who  was 
one  of  the  most  prominent  bolters  from  the  Phi  - 
delphia  American  Convention,  ^ ^o  has  been 
■tumning  the  river  counties  in  this  State  at  tne 
*9  meetings,  has  returned  to  the  hearty 
suDDort  of  Fillmore  and  Donelson.  Mr.  Shatter 
is  an  eloquent  speaker,  and  was 
in  New  York  city.  He  belongs  to  the  Methodist 
church  and  his  recent  conviction  that  Mr.  Fre- 
mont is  a Roman  Catholic,  is  the  reason  why  he 
withdraws  his  support  from  the  Republicans.  He 

has  candidly  examined  all  the  evidences  for  and 

against,  which  have  appeared,  and  he  looked  closely 
into  thi  statements  of  Fulmer  and  the  oppos.t.on 


tension  of  human  slavery  by  the  action  of  the 
General  Government)  while  Mr.  Fillmore,  to  jus- 
tifv  the  claims  of  the  South,  in  effect  says,  Eleot 
me,  or  the  South,  that  loves  me  so  well,  shall  not 

remain  in  the  Union.”  .. 

As  an  American,  I am  not  bound  by  the  action 
of  that  Convention  ; rather  let  me  say,  I cannot 
submit  to  be  bound  by  its  action,  any  more  than 
can  my  brethren  of  Massachusetts  or  Connecticut, 
and  of7  every  New  England  State.  The  American 
party  of  Massachusetts,  in  solemn  council  assem- 
bled, has  declared  for  Mr.  Fremont,  and  nominat- 
ed electors  favorable  to  his  election  : and  so  has 
the  State  of  Connecticut,  and  so  will  all  New 
England  do  (for  New  England  has : a history)  and 
so  will  the  American  party  of  this  State  act,  ex- 
cepting always  a portion  of  the  Silver  Po- 

tion of  that  party.  The  latter  portion  will  stand 
by  Mr.  Fillmore,  notwithstanding  he  has  adopted 
the  leading  principles  of  that  platform, 
seventh  section  of  which  commits  the  American 


into  xne  7 f geventn  section  oi  wmcu  — . „ 

against  them,  and  declares  that  the  evide  real  ty  to  Slavery  extension  under  the  guise  of 

vSr  of  his  being  a Papist  is  conclusive,  for  which  SOTere  duty  ; because  this  ‘ portion  of. 


reason  he  cannot  support  him. 


You  assure  me  that  the  above  is  producing  an 

impression  in  your  region,  and  desire  me  to  inform 

you  whether  it  is  true  or  not.  1 T'luafnl  fur- 
a sheer  fabrication— a “ Roorback.  _ That  no  iur 
ther  mischief  may  occur  from  the  circ^ation  of 
that  article,  I will  set  the  matter  of  my  prefer 
ence  of  candidates  right  at  once.  . 

In  the  first  place,  I was  not  a prominent  or 
other  “ bolter  from  the  Philadelphia  American 
Convention.”  I was  not  a delegate  to  that .Con- 
vention. There  were  reasons  why  1 should  not 
be  a delegate.  I had  too  much  to  do  with  undo- 
ing the  work  of  a previous  Council  ^ Philadeiphia 
assembled:  too  much  to  do  against  the  slave  pio 

pagandists  at  Binghamton  last  August,  and  was 

too  little  inclined  to  see  Americanism  sold  out 
to  be  considered  a safe  man  to  go  to  Philadel- 

^Tstaid  at  home  against  my  will,  I admit.  More- 
over, that  Convention  was  not  an  American 

Convention.”  , ..  „ 

As  far  as  the  North  was  concerned  it  was  a 
Silver  Grey  Whig  Convention ; as  far  as  the  boutn 
was  concerned,  it  was  a Convention  for  the  pro- 
pagation of  human  slavery,  and  the  result  was  the 
nomination  of  two  men,  one  of  whom  gl°nes  m 
bein"  the  owner  of  a hundred  slaves  and  the 
othe?  (Mr.  Fillmore),  in  being  a most  subservient 
instrument  of  the  slave  power,  as  is  manifestly 
proved  by  his  course  while  acting  as  Piesident  of 
the  United  States;  also,  by  his  speeches . writ 
during  his  southern  tour,  in  pursuit  of  a re-nomin- 
Rtion°as  well  as  bv  his  nullification  speeches  at 
Albany  andelsewhere,  on  his  return  from  his  visit 

t0  Hence°the  leading  Silver  Grey  newspapers  of 
the  North  (including  the  New  York  Express), 
claim  Mr.  Fillmore  as  the  regular  Whig  nominee 
for  the  Presidency,  while  the  South  daim  hirn  a 
the  champion  of  Southern  rights  (meaning  the  ex- 


Inuatter  sovereignty  ; because  this  “ portion  of  & 
pS”Sc°aVmeeiSntoythe  order  with i the of 
retrieving  the  fallen  fortunes  of  Mr.  Fdlmore  a» 
is  proved  by  the  attempted  ostracism  of  the  lib- 
end-minded  men  of  the  order,  and 
^receding  and  accompanying  the  Philadelpma 
invention,  that  in  the  event  of  George  Law . 
receiving  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency, 
with  the^ Whig  party  proper,  would  nominate  an 
out-and-out  American  Whig  (meaning  Mr.  Fill- 
more, I presume),  and  also  by  lefters  n0^  m ^' 
istence,  and  which,  I hope,  will  yet  be  pub- 

^Ihave  not  “ returned  to  the  hearty  support  of 
FiUmore  and  Donelson,”  nor  will  I do  any  act  or 
thing  tending  to  sanction  the  outrages  of  pro- 
slaverv,  nullification  border  ruffians,  who,  in  ad- 
dition'to  their  outrages  in  Missouri  and  Kansas, 
of  themselves  sufficient  to  turn  the  cheek  of  dark- 
ness pale,  have  from  1852  until  now  wrested  the 
high  powers  of  the  nation  from  their  legitimate 
purpose,  to  the  strengthening  of  the  slave  oh- 

SaTheyre  are  other  objections  to  my  supporting  Mr. 
Fillmore,  founded  upon  the  fact  stated  by  the 
Citizen,  that  I belong  to  the  Methodist  Church. 

The  church  owes  slavery  no  particular  good 
will  • for  slavery  has  rent  that  church  in  twain ; 
has  imprisoned  women  for  teaching  slaves  to  read 
the  Bible,  and  has  sought  in  every  way  to  destroy 
that  church,  as  being  the  opponent  of  slavery 
most  to  be  feared.  Let  facts  speak  Last  winter 
a minister  of  the  Methodist  Church,  in  Missouri, 
was  arrested  while  in  the  pulpit  by  a gang  of  men 
(who,  if  they  live,  will  probably  vote  for  Mr.  Fill- 
more), who  wantonly  and  falsely  charged  him  with 
horse-stealing,  and  without  allowing  him  time  to 
put  on  his  overcoat,  mounted  him  on  a horse, 
drove  him  some  seventeen  miles,  (the  weather 
being  intensely  cold,)  threw  him  into  a cheerless 
room,  without  fire,  and  there  left  him  to  die,  and 
there  he  died. 


14 


My  mfonmnt  is  a bishop  of  the  Methodist 
Lhurch,  and  spoke  of  his  own  knowledge. 

Another  instance : The  Rev.  Mr.  Wiley  and 
about  30  other  ministers  of  the  Methodist  Church, 
nave  been  assaulted  in  their  churches,  and  driven 
trom  place  to  place  like  wild  beasts  of  prey,  their 
lives  being  every  day  in  imminent  peril. 

Another  instance  : In  Kansas,  a Methodist  min- 
ister was  whipped,  tarred,  and  feathered,  tied  to 
a log,  and  set  afloat  on  the  Missouri  river. 

Another  instance  : Very  recently,  a Methodist 
minister  in  Missouri,  while  preaching  was  dragged 
from  his  pulpit  and  tarred  and  feathered ; while  an 
old  Methodist  layman  for  the  crime  of  expostulation 
against  such  conduct,  was  shot ; and  it  is  a notor- 
ious fact,  and  one  which  will  not  admit  of  contro- 
versy, that  a minister  of  my  church  cannot  preach 
the  gospel  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  or  the  Terri- 
tory of  Kansas,  but  at  the  peril  of  his  life!  And 
7. no  rePr°of  of  these  outrages  either  in 
the  Philadelphia  platform,  or  in  any  of  the  speeches 
of  Mr.  Fillmore. 

. ^-s  to  my  having  examined  “ all  the  evidenoe  ” 
m relation  to  Mr.  Fremont’s  religious  creed,  I 
have  to  say  that  I have  examined  all  the  evidence 
including  Alderman  Fulmer’s  statement,  and  ha*£ 
exhausted  the  means  of  information  within  my 
reach,  and  have  arrived  at  the  following  conclii- 
»ons : ° 

1st.  That  Mr.  Fremont’s  father  was  a French 
Huguenot,  and  his  mother  an  American  Protest- 
ant lady. 

2d.  That  Col.  Fremont  was  born  a Protestant, 
and  baptized  a Protestant,  married  a Protestant 
lady,  has  had  his  children  baptized  by  a Protest- 
ant clergyman,  eduoates  them  in  the  Protestant 
faith,  while  he  is  a Protestant  in  practice  in  all 
the  relations  of  life. 

I admit  that  he  was  married  by  a Catholic 
clergyman,  under  circumstances  peculiar  to  him- 
self- and  with  which  the  public  is  already 
acquainted. 

3d.  I conclude  that  Alderman  Fulmer’s  state- 
ment is  altogether  untrue.  Col.  Fremont  was 
not  in  Washington  at  the  time  Fulmer  says  he 
aonveraed  with  him,  nor  within  several  months  of 
that  time.  He  was  on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  or  the 
Isthmus  of  Darien,  or  on  the  steamer  George 
Law  from  Aspinwall  to  New  York  city,  at  the  time 
fixed  by  Fulmer. 

I should  add  that  upon  Col.  Fremont’s  arrival  in 
New- York  city,  he  sailed  to  Europe  without  visit- 
ing Washington  at  all,  and  that  he  remained  in 
Earope  more  than  a year. 


•Ijh,wd.f?Jrth6r  ad<i’  that  the  conviction  in  m 
mind  that  Alderman  Fulmer  has  borne  false  wi 
ness  against  his  neighbor,  is  strengthened  by  th 
contradictory  statements  that  I am  credibly  ir 
iormed  he  has  made  concerning  this  pretende 
conversation,  and  by  the  further  facts  tha 
amongst  his  immediate  neighbors  his  statement  i 
not  believed.  i 

But  if  I should  refuse  to  vote  for  Mr.  Fremont) 
because  of  his  being  a Roman  Catholic,  I could 
not  vote  for  Mr.  Fillmore  ; and  for  the  reason  tha 
the  Convention  which  nominated  Mr.  Fillmore  wa< 
controlled  by  Roman  Catholics  as  well  as  bi 
slavery  propagandists.  This  is  the  proof : 

Two  sets  of  delegates,  appeared  from  the  State 
of  Louisiana  one  Protestant,  and  the  other 
Roman  Catholic,  both  demanding  admission.  The 
Roman  Catholic  delegation  was  received,  and  the 
Rrotestant  delegation  was  rejected.  The  reason 
I understand,  assigned  for  this  singular  admission 
and  rejection  was,  that  the  Roman  Catholic  dele- 
gation did  not  acknowledge  the  temporal  suprem- 
acy of  the  Pope — but  did  the  Protestant  dele- 
gatmn  acknowledge  the  temporal  supremacy  of 
the  Pope  ? 

are  other  objections  to  my  supporting 
Mr.  b lllmore,  and  as  an  American,  and  a man  who 
at  the  commencement  of  his  political  life  resolutely 
set  his  face  against  the  further  aggressions  of  the 
slave  power,  I cannot  be  induced  by  any  special 
pleading  or  by  any  “Roorbacks”  that  may  be 
hatched  in  the  hotbed  of  political  zeal,  to  vote  for 
any  other  man  for  President  than  Col.  Fremont 
inasmuch  as  I see  no  other  way  of  putting  an  end 
to  the  terrible  aggressions  of  the  slave  power. 

I believe  upon  the  election  or  defeat  of  Col. 
Fremont,  will  depend  the  questions,  whether  or 
not  the  black  column  of  slavery  will  be  pushed  to 
the  Pacific  ocean  ; whether  or  not  the  African, 
slave  trade,  the  sum  of  all  wickedness,  will  be- 
revived;  and  whether  or  not  practical  slavery 
shall  be  forced  upon  the  Free  States  under  the  de- 
cisions of  Federal  judges,  appointed  as  Mr.  Fill- 
more sought  to  appoint  and  did  appoint  some  of 
judges ; and  in  short,  whether  this  country 
shall  have  a constitutional  government  for  the 
slave  oligarchy  ; whether  or  not  we  shall  recover 
our  lost  national  honor,  and  go  on  in  peaceful 
progress  to  the  climax  of  human  greatness* 
whether  we  shall  be  destroyed  by  the  aggressive 
system  of  the  slave  power. 

Very  truly  yours, 

CHAUNCEY  SHAFFER. 


15 


THE  SOUTH  AMERICANS  ON  BORDER-RUFFIANISM. 

Freedom  of  Speech  Infamous. 


The  Fillmore  Americans  held  a State  Conven- 
er! at  Syracuse  on  the  26th  of  August,  which 
sted  two  days.  At  this  Convention,  such  dele- 
tes as  were  supposed  to  favor  freedom  in  the 
irritories  were  excluded  by  the  arbitrary  dictum 
' the  President  of  the  Council.  Nevertheless,  a 
w delegates  or  Deputies,  as  they  call  them,  es- 
iped  the  vigilance  of  the  President,  and  passed 
to  the  Hall.  Among  these  was  Luther  Cald- 
ell,  Esq.,  of  Rockland  County,  who  offered  the 
flowing  resolutions  : 

Resolved,  That  the  attempts  made  in  Congress  dur- 
ig  its  late  session,  and  particularly  in  the  United 
tates  Senate,  to  suppress  freedom  of  speech,  as 
lanifested  in  the  brutal,  clandestine  and  cowardly 
ttack  of  Brooks  upon  Senator  Sumner,  deserve  and 
lould  receive  the  execration  of  the  people  of  the 
lilted  States,  and  that  all  those,  irrespective  of 
arty,  who,  by  their  votes  in  Congress  or  otherwise, 
ave  sustained  Brooks  in  his  infamous  conduct,  are 
istly  obnoxious  to  the  same  reprobation, 

Resolved,  That  the  well-nigh  fatal  assault  upon 
'reedom,  in  the  outrages  perpetrated  in  Kansas  un- 
er  the  protection  of  the  present  National  Admirns- 
’ation,  and  the  failure  of  Congress  effectually  to  m- 
erpose  and  prevent  those  enormous  aggressions 
pon  the  sovereignty  of  the  actual  inhabitants  or 
hat  Territory,  merit  the  unqualified  condemnation 
if  all  lovers  of  republican  liberty,  and  that  no  true 
American  should  be  indifferent  to  the  same,  or  fail, 
ly  word  and  act,  in  all  fitting  ways,  to  vindicate  the 
ippressed  against  their  oppression  and  oppressors. 

Resolved,  That  the  provisions  of  the  Kansas-Ne- 
uaska  act  for  the  government  of  the  Territories  are 
kllacious  in  theory  ; and  that  this  Convention  deem 
t the  duty  of  the  American  party  in  this  State  and 
Nation  boldly  to  assert  and  firmly  maintain  the  doc- 
trine of  our  fathers,  that  the  government  of  the  Ter- 
ritories is  vested  in,  and  should  be  exercised  by, 
Congress.  ,,  , 

Resolved,  That  this  Council  denounces  the  repeal 
ef  the  Missouri  Compromise  as  destructive  to  the  re- 
pose, harmony  and  fraternal  relations  of  the  country ; 
and  that  the  Territory  which  was  covered  by  it  must, 
and  shall  be  preserved  to  Freedom,  so  that  Slavery 
may  not  exist  therein,  nor  Slave  _ States,  formed 
therefrom,  be  admitted  into  this  Union. 

| This  effort  of  Mr.  Caldwell  to  bring  the  party 
*p  to  the  adoption  of  something  like  the  Bing- 
hamton Platform,  on  which,  a year  before,  they 
had  gone  before  the  people  and  succeeded  in 
the  election,  utterly  failed,  when  he  and  a few 
Pthers,  who  sympathized  with  him,  left  the  Con- 
vention and  went  over  to  the  other  American 
Convention,  then  in  session  at  Collipean  Hall,  in 
| the  same  city,  where  they  were  warmly  received. 
■Mr.  Caldwell  was  invited  to  the  stand,  and  related 
fhis  experience  among  the  , South  American  con- 
spirators against  liberty,  as  follows : 

' These  resolutions,  Mr.  C.  said,  he  offered  in  that 


body,  with  the  statement  that  he  believed  the 
American  party  in  the  State  of  New  York  to  be 
Anti-Nebraska  in  sentiment,  and  that  he  wished 
to  place  it  upon  record  that  such  is  its  position ; 
that,  in  his  view,  the  adoption  of  his  resolutions 
would  promote  the  success  of  the  American  ticket 
in  the  North— particularly  in  the  States  of  New 
York,  Massachusetts  and  Pennsylvania— while  at 
present  the  party  is  daily  losing  ground  in  those 
States  from  the  position  in  which  it  is  placed  be- 
fore the  people  on  the  subject  of  slavery ; that 
with  these  and  such  like  arguments  he  urged 
their  adoption;  that  the  Council  was  thereby 
thrown  into  the  wildest  state  of  excitement ; 
that  scores  of  members  flocked  around  him  and 
besought  him  to  withdraw  the  resolutions — 
some  urging  that  if  adopted,  the  South  would  be 
driven  from  the  support  of  Fillmore,  and  for  this 
reason,  that  however  truly  they  embodied  the 
viasrs  of  the  party  in  New  York,  it  would  not  do 
toeet  them  forth.  Moreover,  that  their  adoption 
would  repel  from  them  the  Administration-Nebras- 
ka  voters,  whom  they  were  expecting  would  sup- 
port Fillmore  in  the  State  of  New  York;  and 
more  seriously  still,  that  their  rejection,  should 
they  be  offered,  would  drive  from  the  support  ot 
Ffllmore  thousands  of  Anti-Nebraska  voters,  now 
acting  with  the  party  in  this  State  ; that  by  such 
considerations  they  had  sought  to  influence  him 
filit  failing,  President  Sammons  summarily  ended, 
the  difficulty  by  declaring  the  resolutions  out  of 
order  ; that  he  thereupon  appealed  from  that  de- 
cision, but  President  Sammons  was  sustained  by 
the  Council,  which  thus  rejected  the  resolutions  ; 
that  he  then  returned  to  President  Sammons  his 
commission  as  Deputy  for  Rockland  County,  with- 
drew from  all  connection  with  that  organization, 
and  retired. 

The  statement  of  Mr.  Caldwell  was  listened  to 
with  the  profoundest  interest,  and  a touching  and 
eloquent  address  made  by  him,  upon  the  princi- 
ples of  the  North  Americans,  and  expressive  of  his 
sympathy  with  and  determination  henceforward 
actively  to  support  them,  was  greeted  with  rounds 
of  applause.  . 

The  resolutions  of  Mr.  Caldwell  were  immedi- 
ately adopted  by  the  North  Americans  unani- 
mously, together  with  the  following  : 


Resolved,  That  the  State  Council  now  in  session  in 
■'tfeta  city  is  repudiated  by  this  body : that  its  uncon- 
stitutional and  illegal  action  has  freed  Americans 
from  all  obligation  of  allegiance  to  it  or  its  decrees, 
and  that  this  body  is  the  true  American  organization 
of  the  State  of  New  York. 

Resolved,  That  the  nominations  of  Fillmore  and 
Donelson  be  and  the  same  are  hereby  repudiated  by 
.this  body.  , 

Resolved,  That  John  Charles  Fremont,  the  nominee 
for  the  Presidency  of  the  American  National  Con- 
vention, held  in  the  City  of  New  York,  Jime  12, 
standing  upon  the  positions  of  the  Binghamton, 
platform,  as  the  opponent  of  the  present  National 


16 


Administration,  and  as  opposed  to  Slavery  exten- 
sion, be  and  he  is  hereby  adopted  a3  the  candidate 
of  true  Americans  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

Resolved , That  the  State  Committee  be  recom- 
mended to  call  a State  Nominating  Convention,  to 
consist  of  two  Delegates  from  each  Assembly  Dis- 
trict, to  meet  in  the  city  of  Syracuse,  Sept.  17,  at 
12  o’clock  noon. 

Subsequently,  the  Piermont  Council,  of  which 
Mr.  Caldwell  was  a member,  expelled  that  gentle- 
man, and  branded  him  infamous  as  follows: 

IFhereas,  At  a Convention  of  the  American  ^arty, 
held  at  Syracuse,  in  this  State,  on  the  24th  day  of 
August  last,  Luther  Caldwell,  Deputy  for  Riband 
County,  did  present,  without  the  authority  of  this 
party,  and  in  direct  and  willful  violation  of  iu  yrin- 
ciples,  a series  of  resolutions  opposed  to  its  Presi- 
dential nominees  and  the  platform  on  which  they 
stand  : 

Resolved , That  Luther  Caldwell,  by  his  tree.'  aery 
to  his  party,  has  rendered  himself  wholly  unworthy 
of  confidence  as  a politician,  and  respect  as  a citizen: 
and  has  shown  himself  to  be  a man  utterly  devo^  of 
integrity  and  manly  principle. 


Resolved , That  this  council  unequivocally  ap 
the  action  and  endorses  the  proceedings  of  th 
State  Council  at  Syracuse,  in  rejecting  all 
foreign  to  the  issue  of  the  American  party. 

Resolved , That  this  Council  (the  members 
largely  in  attendance,)  does  hereby  heartily  exp 
said  Luther  Caldwell  from  the  said  Council,  an 
justly  brands  him  with  infamy , and  that  we 
him  in  contempt  as  a traitor  to  his  party  a 
country. 

In  estimating  the  extent  of  Mr.  Caldwell 
famy  and  Treason,  we  beg  the  reader  to  reft 
the  resolutions  which  he  offered,  and  on  , 
these  grave  charges  are  founded.  It  will  the 
seen  that  in  the  estimation  of  Mr.  Fillmore’s 
the  defence  of  freedom  of  Speech  is  infamous? 
that  opposition  to  Slavery  Extension  and  corn 
nation  of  Ruffianism,  either  in  the  U.  S.  Senate 
Kansas,  are  held  to  be  traitorous.  In  this  vie’ 
the  case  we  should  not  be  surprised  at  seen 
very  large  crop  of  Traitors  in  this  State 
November. 


REPUBLICAN  DOCUMENTS  NOW  READY. 


LIFE  OF  COLONEL  FREMONT. 

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